The White House confirmed late Friday what the South China Morning Post had reported on Wednesday and what the Beijing leadership had been quietly briefing diplomats on for two weeks: President Trump will travel to Beijing on May 14 and 15 for a state-honors visit and bilateral summit with Xi Jinping. [1] On Sunday Mr. Trump told reporters at the residence that the trip "will go ahead and be amazing." It is the first American presidential visit to the People's Republic of China since November 2017, when the same president made the same trip in the first year of his first term.
The dates have been agreed once before. The White House announced them on March 25 and lost them to Iran two weeks later, when the Hormuz blockade began and the diplomatic calendar collapsed into a single subject. [2] Beijing held its position; Washington asked for a window; the foreign ministries on both sides spent April rebuilding a schedule that the Iran file kept disturbing. On Saturday, with Tehran's fourteen-point counter relayed through Pakistan and Mr. Trump publicly rejecting it, the trip nevertheless held. The two governments appear to have decided that a meeting delayed once for Iran cannot be delayed again for the same reason.
The official agenda, as outlined by the National Security Council's senior Asia director in a Saturday backgrounder, runs to four headers: trade and tariffs, investment, rare earth minerals, and a new bilateral mechanism that Mr. Trump has taken to calling the "Board of Trade" or, on alternate days, the "Board of Investment." [3] The names are interchangeable in the president's mouth. The function appears, from the briefing, to be a standing American-Chinese commission with cabinet-level membership on both sides — the closest thing to a structural answer to the trade-war architecture that began in 2018 and has not stopped being argued about since.
What is on the agenda is less interesting than what is in the room. Iran is in the room. The Hormuz blockade was made possible by Chinese yuan-denominated payments that absorbed the fraction of Iranian oil exports the dollar system pushed out; the ceasefire architecture, such as it is, runs through Beijing's tolerance of intermediary banks and shipping desks; the May 16 expiry of OFAC's General License 134B — the Russia-oil ancillary-services authorization — sits inside this same week. [4] Mr. Trump will tell reporters before the trip that he and Mr. Xi will discuss "many things." Iran will be one of those many things, even when neither leader names it in the readout.
Taiwan and the chip-export controls are unlikely to move. Taipei's foreign ministry has briefed allies that it does not expect either subject to produce text in the joint communiqué; the assumption in Washington is that Beijing will not raise Taiwan publicly during a visit it wants smooth. The chip controls are mid-administrative review at Commerce; the trip is the wrong instrument. [5] What can move is rare earths. China dominates the processing of seventeen elements that the American defense industrial base requires; Beijing tightened its export-licensing regime last September; the price of dysprosium has roughly doubled since then. The Chinese side is expected to offer a modest licensing relaxation in exchange for a tariff-line concession on American agricultural exports. The trade is small enough to be plausible and large enough to put on a podium.
There is also the matter of optics. An American president inside the Great Hall of the People while the Strait of Hormuz is closed by an American naval task force is a tableau the Beijing camera operators understand without instruction. The state broadcast will linger on the handshake. Chinese television will not, in any frame it controls, allow the words "Hormuz" or "Iran" to crowd into the picture.
Mr. Trump returns to Washington late on May 15. The Aramco call lands May 11; the OPEC+ next meeting is June 7; the OFAC license expires May 16, twelve hours after the president's wheels are up. The week is already calibrated around the visit it is supposed to be about.
-- DAVID CHEN, Beijing