When the rule a claim depends on changes, the change arrives as a filing, not a sermon. The line governing pulpit endorsements moved this year, and it moved on a docket.
The paper's June 26 piece argued that religion-and-power claims need tax and state records, and named Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code as the line a religious nonprofit is measured against. That line is exactly what a federal court filing has now narrowed.
The case is National Religious Broadcasters v. Long, 6:24-cv-00311, in the federal Eastern District of Texas, where broadcasters and two churches sued to overturn the campaign-intervention bar as applied to houses of worship. [1] In July 2025 the IRS joined the plaintiffs in a proposed consent judgment, agreeing that when a house of worship in good faith addresses electoral matters to its own congregation through its usual channels of communication on matters of faith, it does not "participate" or "intervene" in a political campaign within the meaning of the statute. The docket records the motion and the court's handling of it, and lists the case as terminated in 2026. That is the form a real shift in the rule takes — parties, a pleading, a judge, a date.
The statute it reinterprets is still the anchor. Section 501(c)(3) exempts most churches and charities on the condition that they not participate or intervene in political campaigns for or against candidates. [2] The consent judgment does not delete that condition. It carves a defined channel — pastor to congregation, in the course of worship — out of the conduct the IRS will treat as a violation, which is narrower than either "churches can now endorse anyone" or "nothing has changed."
The reporting fixes the scope. NPR documented the July 2025 filing as part of a proposed settlement of the broadcasters' suit, and noted that the IRS did not declare a blanket right to electioneer but described good-faith speech to a congregation as outside the prohibition. [3] The distinction is the whole story, and it is the kind a viral clip erases.
This is the divergence. X turns a pulpit into a conspiracy diagram, where one passage proves a hidden apparatus. Mainstream political coverage often runs the opposite simplification, treating religion as campaign atmosphere. The records are narrower and more useful: identify the case, read the consent judgment, check it against the statute. Power left paper here, and the paper says less than the clip claims and more than the denial admits.
-- SAMUEL CRANE, Washington